Opinion | India After Caste Census Will Face Many Questions: What Congress Is Likely To Push For Next
Amid pulls and pressures, the Congress is now committed to saying a caste census will be instrumental in revising the benchmark for socioeconomic and educational backwardness
In the Congress’ scheme of things, the caste census should be taken to a logical end by removing 50 percent ceiling on jobs and education quota, setting up of a separate backward classes ministry, job reservation in the private sector, and proportional representation – ‘Jiski jitni sankhya bhaari, uski utni hissedari’ at all levels of political, social, professional hierarchies.
The idea of forcing a caste census was crystallised in the ‘Delhi Declaration’ adopted at a National OBC Conclave held at the Talkatora Stadium in New Delhi on December 21, 2021. This conclave was organised by the Samruddha Bharat Foundation, a trust sympathetic to the Congress ideology and programmes. Speakers from six parties and across sectors spoke at the event. These included Sharad Yadav (former union minister, since deceased), Lalu Prasad Yadav (RJD president), Chhagan Bhujbal (now with NCP-Ajit Pawar), D Raja (CPI General Secretary), TKS Elangovan (DMK MP), Prof Manoj Jha (RJD MP), Shyam S Yadav (BSP MP), Capt Ajay Yadav (former Haryana minister), Rajesh Lilothia (former MLA), Manikrao Thakre (former Mumbai Congress unit president), Madhu Yakshi Goud (former MP), Rev. Sunil Sardar (President, Satyashodhak Samaj), Prof Dilip Mandal (former Managing Editor, Outlook Hindi, now a BJP supporter), Dr Arvind Kumar (Assistant Professor, Jamia Millia Islamia), Dr Laxman Yadav (Assistant Professor, Zakir Hussain College), Prof Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd (Director, Centre for Studies of Social Exclusion, Maulana Azad National Urdu University) and Pushparaj Deshpande (Director, Samruddha Bharat Foundation).
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Interestingly, the idea of caste-based census was opposed by a section of the Congress in 2011. Union ministers like Anand Sharma, Jairam Ramesh and P Chidambaram had opposed the proposal while the then union finance minister Pranab Mukherjee had adopted a neutral position. In 2024, when the Congress social media team made an advertisement asking for caste census, the ad reportedly could run only during the third and fourth phase of the Lok Sabha election polling due to some internal resistance.
A year later, the Congress was quick to seek credit when, on April 30, 2025, the Modi government announced inclusion of caste in the national population survey. Rahul Gandhi was at the party headquarters and, in full media glare, he quipped looking at Jairam Ramesh, currently the Congress communication department head: “Were you not opposed to it?"
Amid various pulls and pressures, the Congress is now committed to saying that a caste census would be instrumental in revising the benchmark for socioeconomic and educational backwardness. It would also give a scientific basis for the recommendations of union- and state-level backward caste commissions. The party also wants the caste to be listed regardless of the religion of the person. To substantiate their argument for a quota for backward Muslims, Sikh and Christians, Congress leaders cite Articles 340 and 341 of the Constitution that do not mention religion while saying that the State should not discriminate against historically discriminated-against and backward communities even if they belong to other creeds.
The Congress further wants an Equal Opportunities Commission that should recommend creative strategies and policies to achieve equity in the public and private sectors. The grand old party is also calling for a national legislation to ensure that a portion of the budget is earmarked in proportion to the population of OBCs, SCs and STs to support schemes for these communities. The funds should be directly and exclusively meant for welfare, and not include generic expenditure.
‘Jiski jitni sankhya…’: That takes us to the next big question of proportional representation. If the caste census shows that the SC/ST/OBC communities (including OBCs across religions) are more than 50% of India’s population, then the 50% limit on reservation comes under scrutiny. The limit has been imposed by the Supreme Court, but the natural question would then be whether or not reservations ought to be increased (as states like Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh have done). The State must establish a Commission to prepare a White Paper on this, which must be discussed in Parliament and appropriately implemented.
Representative judiciary: At a more radical level, the Congress wants a more representative judiciary to ensure that the institution is robust and reflective of the social diversity of the country; reservations for SCs/STs/OBCs in the higher judiciary be institutionalised.
Quotas in the private sector: Speaking of reflecting social realities, reservations would then be sought in the private sector too. One way could be that the State brings in legislation guaranteeing quotas in the private sector. An alternative methodology that may be considered is providing tax breaks or subsidies to companies that ensure diversity in hiring by employing more OBCs/SCs/STs/women.
Dedicated ministry: Given that OBCs may well be above 56% of the population – as some estimates indicate, though the caste census shall bring in more apt numbers – a separate, dedicated ministry for the welfare of the OBCs would be sought too.
Reservations in legislatures: A constitutional amendment institutionalising reservations for OBCs to assembly and parliament would be sought too once the numbers speak. That would also mean reservations for women would have to include provisions for representation of SC, ST, and OBC women within it.
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